edthomas wrote:Richard North-
If you think that Green really had the option of using this information effectively in Parliament, your thought processes are rather confused. Aren't you the one who bemoans the insignificance of today's Parliament? If he had used his information directly in Parliament it would have been lost, and in any case wouldn't Mr (impartial!) Speaker have simply ruled that it should be set aside as being classified and not proper for public debate? While I am sceptical about all politicians, I know that the Conservatives care more about parliamentary democracy than nu-Labour, so your attack is gratuitous. Secondly, of the four leaks which you refer indirectly to from the Times report, two were certainly in the public interest. Of the other two, one concerned internal Labour politics which is hardly classified, not should it be.
What we are dealing with here, and what you fail to acknowledge, is that what is business as usual for a spinning Labour Government is criminalised when even a hint of equally effective information handling appears from the Opposition. The Opposition, in several of the revelations made, was operating directly in the public interest. So far we haven't even mentioned the use of terror police, or the fact that the arrest was made when the police chain of command was muddied by the departure of Sir Ian Blair.
In sum, what we have here is blatant below-the-belt use of Government power for political purposes. The rule of game have indeed changed. It's sad, given your powers of observation, that you seem to miss this vital point.
If you have actually read the posts I have written over time, you would have seen that I bemoan the reluctance of MPs to use parliamentary tools, having written many times of their nature - and indeed having used them myself. Far from my thought processes being confused, it seems I have a far better idea of parliamentary procedure than either you or Mr Green.
The point about Green's action is that, had he used information to "guide" parliamentary questions (which could just as well be written) - on the basis of a good lawyer always knowing the answer to a question he asks - then he could have trapped the government either into giving the information of lying about it ... which is a win-win situation. There could be no reason for the Speaker to intevene - Green would have been acting perfectly properly.
Failing that, Green could openly have revealed the information in Parliament (without revealing its source) during a debate or by other means (for instance, getting one of his pals to raise it in a Home Affairs select committee meeting, which would be televised) in which case he would have been protected by Parliamentary privilege. Nor, in this case, could (or even would) the Speaker have intervened - not that he could in a select committee session anyway. To speak or write information into the record is entirely within the rules of the House.
As to the criminalisation, it has always been the case that civil servants are bound by confidentiality rules which are included in the criminal code, and it is thereby an offence to "procure" or conspire to obtain infomation through this means. It is quite another thing for an MP to be the passive recipient of information, perhaps even sent anonymously.
Where you seem to be losing sight of the issue, therefore, is that this was not a case of a civil servant spontaneously giving - for whatever motivation - information to an MP, who then used it in the House, but an ongoing "partnership" between a civil servant and an MP, the one repeatedly feeding him information and the other selectively feeding it to the media, knowing full well its source.
If you cannot see that that is wrong, then that is very troubling. The end, in this case, does not justify the means ... an MP is supposed to uphold the law and the consitution, and Green does not appear to have done either.


